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¤@¡B½Ð¥J²Ó¾\Ū¤U¤å excerpts from sociologist Arlie Hochschild©Ò¼g¦³Ãö¬°¦ó¬ü°êÂŻⶥ¯Å¨k©Ê¤ä«ùGeorge W. Bushªº¤å³¹¡A°w¹ï¤å¤¤¨C¤@­Óµe©³½uªº³æ¦r¡A¿ï¥X»P¨ä·N«ä³Ì¬Ûªñªºµª®×¡A¦@¤Q¤pÃD¡A¨CÃD3¤À¡A¦@30¤À¡C

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¡]5¡^ written off: ¡]a¡^overlooked¡F¡]b¡^committed ¡F¡]c¡^ perpetrated¡F¡]d¡^attained.
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¡]10¡^ courtesy: ¡]a¡^civility ¡F¡]b¡^ determination¡F¡]c¡^ resentment ¡F¡]d¡^ deception .

Let Them Eat War
By Arlie Hochschild (posed on October 02, 2003 at TomDispatch.com)

George W. Bush is sinking in the polls, but a few beats on the war drum could reverse that trend and re-elect him in 2004. Ironically, the sector of American society now poised to keep him in the White House is the one which stands to lose the most from virtually all of his policies -- blue-collar men. A full 49% of them and 38% percent of blue-collar women told a January 2003 Roper poll they would vote for Bush in 2004¡K
In an essay, "The White Man Unburdened," in a recent New York Review of Books, Norman Mailer recently argued that the war in Iraq returned to white males a lost sense of mastery, offering them a feeling of revenge for imagined wrongs, and a sense of psychic rejuvenation." In the last thirty years, white men have taken a drubbing, he notes, especially the three quarters of them who lack college degrees. Between l979 and l999, for example, real wages for male high-school graduates dropped 24%. In addition, Mailer notes, white working class men have lost white champs in football, basketball and boxing. (A lot of white men cheer black athletes, of course, whomever they vote for.) But the war in Iraq, Mailer notes, gave white men white heroes. By climbing into his jumpsuit, stepping out of an S-3B Viking jet onto the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, Bush posed as -- one could say impersonated -- such a hero.
Mailer is talking here about white men and support for the war in Iraq. But we"re talking about something that cuts deeper into emotional life, and stretches farther back into the twin histories of American labor and Republican presidencies¡K

Until Nixon, Republicans had for a century written off the blue-collar voter. But turning Marx on his head, Nixon appealed not to a desire for real economic change but to the distress caused by the absence of it. And it worked as it"s doing again now. In the l972 contest between Nixon and McGovern, 57% of the manual worker vote and 54% of the union vote went to Nixon. (This meant 22 and 25-point gains for Nixon over his l968 presidential run.) After Nixon, other Republican presidents -- Ford, Reagan, and Bush Sr. -- followed in the same footsteps, although not always so cleverly.

Now George Bush Jr. is pursuing a sequel strategy by again appealing to the emotions of male blue-collar voters. Only he"s added a new element to the mix. Instead of appealing, as Nixon did, to anger at economic decline, Bush is appealing to fear of economic displacement, and offering the Nascar Dad a set of villains to blame, and a hero to thank -- George W. Bush.

Let"s begin by re-imagining the blue-collar man, for we do not normally think of him as a fearful man. The very term "Nascar Dad" like the earlier term "Joe Six Pack" suggests, somewhat dismissively, an "I"m-alright-Jack" kind of guy. We imagine him with his son, some money in his pocket, in the stands with the other guys rooting for his favorite driver and car. The term doesn"t call to mind a restless house-husband or a despondent divorcee living back in his parents" house and seeing his kids every other weekend. In other words, the very image we start with may lead us away from clues to his worldview, his feelings, his politics and the links between these.
Since the l970s, the blue-collar man has taken a lot of economic hits. The buying power of his paycheck, the size of his benefits, the security of his job -- all these have diminished¡K. In today"s jobless recovery, the average jobless stint for a man like Landry is now 19 weeks, the longest since l983. Jobs that don"t even exist at present may eventually open up, experts reassure us, but they aren"t opening up yet. In the meantime, three out of every four available jobs are low-level service jobs.... For anyone who stakes his pride on earning an honest day"s pay, this economic fall is, unsurprisingly enough, hard to bear. How, then, do these blue-collar men feel about it? Ed Landry said he felt "numb." Others are anxious, humiliated and, as who wouldn"t be, fearful. But in cultural terms, Nascar Dad isn"t supposed to feel afraid. What he can feel though is angry¡K

But is that anger directed downward -- at "welfare cheats," women, gays, blacks, and immigrants -- or is it aimed up at job exporters and rich tax dodgers? Or out at alien enemies? The answer is likely to depend on the political turn of the screw. The Republicans are clearly doing all they can to aim that anger down or out, but in any case away from the rich beneficiaries of Bush"s tax cut. Unhinging the personal from the political, playing on identity politics, Republican strategists have offered the blue-collar voter a Faustian bargain: We"ll lift your self-respect by putting down women, minorities, immigrants, even those spotted owls. We"ll honor the manly fortitude you"ve shown in taking bad news. But (and this is implicit) don"t ask us to do anything to change that bad news. Instead of Marie Antoinette"s "let them eat cake," we have -- and this is Bush"s twist on the old Nixonian strategy -- "let them eat war."
Paired with this is an aggressive right-wing attempt to mobilize blue-collar fear, resentment and a sense of being lost -- and attach it to the fear of American vulnerability, American loss. By doing so, Bush aims to win the blue-collar man"s identification with big business, empire, and himself. The resentment anyone might feel at the personnel officer who didn"t have the courtesy to call him back and tell him he didn"t have the job, Bush now redirects toward the target of Osama bin Laden, and when we can"t find him, Saddam Hussein and when we can"t find him... And these enemies are now so intimate that we see them close up on the small screen in our bedrooms and call them by their first names.



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A. Following paragraphs are excerpts from Loïc Wacquant¡¦s renowned urban ethnographic work, Body & Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer, which documents the life and labor of the pugilists(®±À»¿ï¤â) in the black American ghetto in the Chicago South Side.

One cannot understand the relative closed world of boxing outside of the human and ecological context in which it is anchored and the social possible of which this context is the bearer. Indeed it is in its double relation of symbiosis and opposition to the neighborhood and to the grim realities of the ghetto that the gym defines itself. Much like joining a gang or becoming involved in street crime, two germane careers from which it offers a potential escape route, membership in the gym acquires its full social meaning only in regard of the structure of life chances offered¡Xor denied¡Xby the local systems of instruments of social reproduction and mobility, namely, the public schools, the deskilled labor market, and the activities and networks that make up the predatory economy of the street. It is therefore indispensible, before venturing inside the gym, to sketch in rough strokes the portrait of the neighborhood of Woodlawn and its recent history evolution. This African-American community is far from being the most dispossessed of Chicago¡¦s South Side ghetto: of the 77 ¡§Community Areas¡¨ that compose the city, it ranks only 13th on the poverty scale. Nonetheless it offers the gripping spectacle on an urban and social fabric in agony after nearly a half-century of continual deterioration and increased racial and economic segregation
On the morrow of the Second World War, Woodlawn was a stable and prosperous white neighborhood, a satellite of Hyde Park (the stronghold of the University of Chicago) which borders it to the north, and boasted a dense business district and an active real estate market. The intersection of 63rd Street and Cottage Grove Avenue was one of the liveliest in the city and throngs streamed through the countless stores, restaurants, movie houses, and jazz clubs that lined these two thoroughfares. Thirty years later, the neighborhood had mutated into a vast enclave of poverty and despair emblematic of the decline of Chicago¡¦s ¡§Black Metropolis¡¨ in which the most marginalized fractions of its population are concentrated. Between 1950 and 1980, the number of neighborhood residents fell from 81,000 to 36,000 as the racial makeup of the population went from 38 to 96 percent black. (During that time, the number of whites dropped from 50,000 to fewer than a thousand.) The swelling influx of African-American migrants from rural southern states triggered a massive exodus of whites, soon followed by the outmigration of the black middle class, which fled the core of the ghetto to found its own peripheral neighborhoods (which turned out to be just as segregated). This demographic upheaval, amplified and aggregated by the city¡¦s policy of ¡§urban renewal¡¨ in the 1950s¡Xlocally known as ¡§Negro removal¡¨¡Xand by the ¡§gang wars¡¨ of the 1960s, provoked a crisis of local institutions that combined with record levels of unemployment and school elimination to complete Woodlawn¡¦s transformation into an economic desert and a social purgatory.

1. What happened to Woodlawn during 1950-1980 period CANNOT be described as:
(1) White flight
(2) Urban decline
(3) Urban gentrification
(4) The impoverishment of community

2. According to the author, what is the best way to study the boxing world?
(1) By situating the boxers¡¦ lives in the surrounding institutions.
(2) By counting the number of opponents the pugilists from Woodlawn had to fight in a typical year.
(3) By measuring the physical strength of the pugilists.
(4) By studying the boxing gym in isolation.

3. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?
(1) Becoming German was a route usually utilized by Woodlawn¡¦s residents to escape its poverty.
(2) Boxing world and ghetto lives of Woodlawn reinforced but also contradicted each other.
(3) When black middle class people moved out of Woodlawn, they usually settled in the racially integrated communities.
(4) Urban renewal improved the living conditions for the poor African-American residents in Woodlawn.

B. Following paragraphs are excerpts from a social statistics textbook, Statistics for Social Data Analysis, fourth edition.

A basic reason for bringing additional variable into the analysis of the relationship between an independent and a dependent variable is to clarify the true relationship between them. Covariation between two variables can arise because of the confounding effects of other factors. To establish the true amount of covariation between two variables, we need to remove the part that is due to other factors.
In laboratory-type experiments, researchers remove the effects of other factors by applying an experimental design. Some additional variables can literally be ¡§held constant¡¨ by making sure they apply uniformly to all subjects under experimental and control conditions. ...In a social experiment we might hold constant our methods of presenting stimuli to subjects and recording their responses.
Variables that might disturb a bivariate relationship can be controlled in experiments by random assignment of subjects to the difference experimental treatments...
The technique of random assignment of subjects to experimental treatment groups helps to eliminate the confounding effect of rival factors. Thus, it helps isolate the true impact of the independent variable on the dependent measure. Unfortunately, all social behavior cannot be studied experimentally. In naturally occurring data such as that collected through sample surveys, other techniques for eliminating rival factors must be used. These techniques consist of identifying the additional variables likely to affect a relationship, measuring these factors, and ¡§holding constant¡¨ their effects through statistical manipulation of the data.

4. The term ¡§holding constant¡¨ can be substituted by which of the following terms?
(1) regressing
(2) covariating
(3) differentiating
(4) controlling
(5) generating

5. Which of the following statements is true?
(1) When two variables covariate, we can say there always is a causal relationship between these variables.
(2) We can never conduct experiments on social behaviors.
(3) In sample surveys, we may employ some kinds of statistical manipulation to achieve what equals to random assignment in experimental designs.
(4) Due to the confounding effects of other factors, we can never establish the true amount of covariation between two variables.


C. Following paragraphs came from Saskia Sassen¡¦s now classical work on sociology of galobalization, Globalization and its Discontents.

The global economy materializes in a worldwide grid of strategic places, from export-processing zones to major international business and financial centers. We can think of this global grid as constituting a new economic geography of centrality, one that cuts across national boundaries and across the old North-South divide. It signals the emergence of a parallel political geography of power, a transnational space for the formation of new claims by global capital...This new economic geography of centrality partly reproduces existing inequalities but also is the outcome of a dynamic specific to current types of economic growth. It assumes many forms and operates in many terrains, from the distribution of telecommunications facilities to the structure of the economy and of employment.
The most powerful of these new geographies of centrality at the interurban level binds the major international financial and business centers: New York, London, Tokyo, Paris, Frankfurt, Zurich, Amsterdam, Los Angeles, Sydney, Hong Kong, among others. But this geography now also includes cities such as São Paulo, Buenos Aires, Bangkok, Taipei, Bombay, and Mexico City. The intensity of transactions among these cities, particularly through the financial markets, trade in services, and investment, has increased sharply, and so have the orders of magnitude involved. At the same time, there has been a sharpening inequality in the concentration of strategic resources and activities between each of these cities and others in the same country. Global cities are sites for immense concentrations of economic power and command centers in a global economy, while traditional manufacturing centers have suffered inordinate declines.
...
The pronounced orientation to the world markets evident in such cities raises questions about the articulation with their nation-states, their regions, and the larger economic and social structure in such cities. Cities have typically been deeply embedded in the economies of their region, indeed often reflecting the characteristics of the latter; and generally they still do. But cities that are strategic sites in the global economy tend, in part, to become disconnected from their region and even nation...
Alongside these new global and regional hierarchies of cities and high-tech industrial districts lies a vast territory that has become increasingly peripheral, increasingly excluded from the major economic processes that fuel economic growth in the new global economy. A multiplicity of formerly important manufacturing centers and port cities have lost functions and are in decline, not only in the less developed countries but also in the most advanced economies. This is yet another meaning of economic globalization.

6. What could be an appropriate title for this section?
(1) The Economic Sociology of Immigration
(2) The Political Economy of the North-South Divide
(3) Engendering the Worlds of Labor
(4) A New Geography of Centrality and Marginalty
(5) On Time-Space Compression

7. What is the main factor behind the emergence of global cities?
(1) Automobile manufacturing
(2) Geopolitical competition
(3) Financial transactions
(4) Eco-tourism
(5) Agricultural production

8. ¡§The pronounced orientation to the world markets evident in such cities raises questions about the articulation with their nation-states, their regions, and the larger economic and social structure in such cities.¡¨ In the sentence, ¡§articulation¡¨ can be substituted by which of the following words?
(1) Utterance
(2) Expression
(3) Pronunciation
(4) Rendering
(5) Connection

9. According to Sassen, what could NOT be the effect of economic globalization?
(1) The deterioration of economic situation in many traditional manufacturing centers in the most advanced countries.
(2) The disembeddedness of many cities from their regional economies.
(3) The flattening of hierarchies of cities.
(4) The rise of Taipei in terms of financial and business transactions.

10. According to the paragraphs cited, which of the following statements could NOT be true?
(1) Globalization alleviates the problems of social inequality.
(2) Nation-states have difficulties regulating the new type of capitalism.
(3) Intra-national inequality could become more serious than the cross-national inequality, if the current trend of globalization continues.
(4) Some cities in the less developed countries might benefit from the economic globalization


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¡iExcerpts from Duneier, Mitchell. 1999. Sidewalk. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.¡j
In a paper given to mark the thirtieth anniversary of Herbert Gans¡¦s The Urban Villagers, Stephen Steinberg warned participant observers against what he calls ¡§the ethnographic fallacy.¡¨ He argues that, unlike Gans, people who do firsthand studies often become too enmeshed in cultural details. Steinberg warns against ¡§an epistemology that relies exclusively on observation¡Xin other words, that defines reality by what you see. He explains: the ethnographic fallacy ¡§begins when observation is taken at face value. Too often¡Xnot always¡Xethnography suffers from a myopia that sharply delineates the behavior at close range but obscures the less visible structures and processes that engender and sustain the behavior.¡¨

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A. Reading Comprehension: 50%

The following passages are drawn from ¡§The Production of Culture Perspective,¡¨ written by Richard A. Peterson & N. Anand, in Annual Review of Sociology. 2004. Vol. 30 pp. 311-334.

The production of culture perspective focuses on how the symbolic elements of culture are shaped by the systems within which they are created, distributed, evaluated, taught, and preserved. Initially, practitioners of this perspective focused on the fabrication of expressive-symbol elements of culture, such as art works, scientific research reports, popular culture, religious practices, legal judgments, journalism (Peterson 1976), and other parts of what are now often called the culture or creative industries. Recently, the perspective has been successfully applied to a range of quite different situations in which the manipulation of symbols is a by-product rather than the purpose of the collective activity (Crane 1992, Peterson 2001).
Looking back, the utility of the production perspective seems clear, but in the 1970s, when it emerged as a self-conscious perspective, it challenged the then-dominant idea that culture and social structure mirror each other. Then, a symbiotic relationship between a singular functioning social system and its coherent overarching culture was embraced by a wide range of theorists of contemporary society, including most Marxists who distinguished between social structure and cultural superstructure and functionalists such as Talcott Parsons. The former asserted that those who controlled the means of producing wealth shaped culture to fit their own class interests; the latter believed that a set of monolithic abstract values determined the shape of social structure. Breaking from these mirror views, the production perspective¡Xlike most of the other contemporary perspectives in cultural sociology¡Xviews both culture and social structure as elements in an ever-changing patchwork (Berger & Luckmann 1966, Peterson 1979, Schudson 2002).
A number of bellwether studies during and since the 1950s exemplified aspects of what would become the production perspective. For example, C. Wright Mills¡¦ 1955 essay, ¡§The Cultural Apparatus¡¨, pointed to the role of the mass media¡¦s inadvertent in inadvertently shaping American culture. Howard S. Becker (1974) showed that artistic creativity is not so much an act of individual genius as it is the product of the cooperative efforts of a number of people. The ¡§news-making¡¨ studies of the 1970s (see, for example, Molotch & Lester 1974, Tuchman 1978, Gans 1979) exemplified the production perspective because they went beyond tracing the social dynamics of newsrooms to reveal how organizational routines determine what would be defined as ¡§news.¡¨ And, in her analysis of the ¡§invisible colleges¡¨ where science is created, Diana Crane (1972) showed that the kind of scientific knowledge produced is a function of the reward system within a particular occupational community.
However, the early work that most completely embodies the production perspective is Harrison White and Cynthia White¡¦s (1965) Canvasses and Careers. They found that theories associating changes in art with revolutionary changes in society or with the emergence of persons of genius could not account for the emergence of impressionist art in nineteenth-century France. They showed that the older royal academic art production system that had survived the economic turmoil and ideological changes of the French Revolution collapsed a generation later with the advent of the art market created by Parisian art dealers and critics, who promoted unconventional artists such as the Impressionists.
Together, these studies illustrate the emerging production of culture perspective insofar as they (a) focus on the expressive aspects of culture rather than values; (b) explore the processes of symbol production; (c) use the tools of analysis developed in the study of organizations, occupations, networks, and communities; and (d) make possible comparisons across the diverse sites of culture creation. In common they show that culture is not so much societywide and virtually unchanging as it is situational and capable of rapid change.
However, not until publication in 1976 and 1978 of collections entitled The Production of Culture, edited by Richard A. Peterson and Lewis A. Coser respectively, did scholars collectively recognize that these and other scattered studies illustrated elements of culture being shaped in the mundane processes of their production. The empirical studies were drawn from sites as diverse as science laboratories, artist communities, and country music radio stations. These two collections of essays signaled the emergence of the production perspective as a coherent and self-conscious approach to understanding how the expressive symbols of culture come to be (DiMaggio 2000).

1. Which of the following best describes the main theme of the above passages?
1) The passages propose an alternative perspective of cultural analysis.
2) The passages briefly review the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective.
3) The passages present a theoretical trajectory of cultural sociology.
4) The passages present four features of the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective.

2. Which of the following is NOT covered in the above passages?
1) significant works in the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective
2) the challenges that sociology¡¦s dominant conceptualization of ¡§culture¡¨ imposed on the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective in the 1970s
3) the studies regarding markets, industries, and key actors in the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective
4) the influences that the study of organizations and networks had on the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective

3. According to the authors, the publication of which work transformed the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective into a self-conscious perspective?

1) C. Wright Mills¡¦ 1955 essay ¡§The Cultural Apparatus¡¨
2) Harrison White and Cynthia White¡¦s 1965 work Canvasses and Careers.
3) The ¡§news-making¡¨ studies of the 1970s such as the studies of Molotch, Lester, Tuchman, and Gans
4) The collections of essays entitled The Production of Culture, published in 1976 and 1978, edited by Richard A. Peterson and Lewis A. Coser.

4. According to the above passages, the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective
1) emphasizes the importance of networks and of informal relations for cultural production;
2) emphasizes the differences between various kinds of production systems of cultural products;
3) explores the processes of symbol production;
4) concerns the modes of regulation and censorship in cultural production.

5. The paragraph that would follow the above passages would most probably

1) discuss the structure of the film industry;
2) provide a typology of actors in the process of cultural production;
3) elaborate DiMaggio¡¦s arguments;
4) summarize critiques of the ¡§production of culture¡¨ perspective.

The following passages are drawn from ¡§Review: The Economic Sociology of Markets, Industries, and Firms,¡¨ written by Mauro F. Guillén, in Theory and Society, 2003, Vol. 32, No. 4, pp. 505-515.


It could be argued that the recent revival of economic sociology is based on two fundamental ideas, namely, social construction and embeddedness. Sociologists¡¦ claim to the study of economic action rests on the proposition that institutional arrangements cannot be taken for granted, and that their stability over time depends on the extent to which they are supported, or embedded in, social structures and relationships. Unlike mainstream economics, economic sociology treats efficiency as a constraint, not as the basic principle that ¡¥¡¥selects¡¦¡¦ what arrangements, forms, or practices ultimately prevail¡Xor should prevail. Rather, economic institutions such as markets, industries, or firms are socially (and politically) constructed. They are the result of projects of institutionalization whose outcome is only in part driven by efficiency considerations. Actors are not assumed to be utility (or profit) maximizers, but rather seek to reduce uncertainty, to stabilize their relationships to others, even at the cost of not reaching the highest possible degree of utility for themselves. And given the complexity and messiness of economic exchange in industrialized societies, actors get together to reduce uncertainty and advance their common position, frequently with the aid of state structures. Thus, economic sociology is eminently political in its approach. Power, legitimacy, and influence are key terms in the conceptual repertoire of the field.

There is, however, a second aspect to the construction of economic institutions, one that brings economic sociology in contact not with the ¡§conflict¡¨ tradition of Marx and Weber, but with the ¡§cultural¡¨ approach of Durkheim. Action is assumed to occur in the midst of social networks of relationships of more or less density, which provide actors with values and norms, with common understandings, and hence articulate what is appropriate, permissible, and expected under different types of circumstances. Actors, in other words, pursue meaning as well as utility. The future of the current attempt to revitalize economic sociology as a distinctive and effective way of studying institutions such as markets, industries, and firms may well depend on how successfully sociologists combine and reconcile the different insights and principles of action that emerge from the Marx/Weber and Durkheim theoretical traditions. Balancing out the principles of social conflict and social cohesion has always been the key challenge to sociologists, not just economic sociologists.

6. Which of the following is NOT covered in the above passages?

1) the influential figures of economic sociology and their main contributions
2) social construction and embeddedness as fundamental ideas in recent economic sociology
3) the ¡§conflict¡¨ tradition of Marx and Weber and the ¡§cultural¡¨ approach of Durkheim in economic sociology
4) the differences between mainstream economics and economic sociology

7. According to the author, economic sociologists would

1) treat efficiency as a basic principle that privileges some forms and actions over others;
2) consider economic institutional arrangements, markets for example, as the result of projects of institutionalization fully explained by the logic of efficiency;
3) approach economic phenomena from a political perspective and would, hence, constantly apply concepts such as power and legitimacy to their analyses;
4) analyze actors mainly as profit seekers tending both to reduce uncertainty and to stabilize their relationships to others in the complexity and the messiness of economic exchange in industrialized societies.

8. In the sentence ¡§Action is assumed to occur in the midst of social networks of relationships of more or less density, which provide actors with values and norms, with common understandings, and hence articulate what is appropriate, permissible, and expected under different types of circumstances,¡¨ the word articulate is closest in meaning to
1) seek
2) express
3) highlight
4) accept

The following passages are drawn from Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society, written by Mitchell Dean. 1999. London: Sage.
Notions of morality and ethics generally rest on an idea of self-government. They presume some conception of an autonomous person capable of 9 and regulating various aspects of their own conduct. Further, to define government as the ¡¥conduct of conduct¡¦ is to open up the examination of self-government or cases in which governor and governed are two aspects of the one actor, whether that actor be a human individual or a collective or corporation. Thus the notion of government extends to cover the way in which an individual questions his or her own conduct (or problematizes it) so that he or she may be better able to govern it. In other words government encompasses not only how we exercise authority over others, or how we govern abstract entities such as states and populations, but how we govern 10 .

9. Which word best fits the underlined ¡¥9¡¦?
1) perceiving
2) monitoring
3) determining
4) identifying

10. Which word best fits the underlined ¡¥10¡¦?
1) governments
2) our colonies
3) ourselves
4) the ungoverned

B. Fill-in the blanks with the following propositions or articles: a, the, about, to, of, into, with, within. (24%)

Everything that is segmentary tends increasingly ___ be absorbed into the mass of society. This is why the family is obliged to transform itself. Instead of remaining an autonomous society ___ the larger one, it is drawn increasingly ___ the system of organs of society. It becomes one of these organs itself, invested ___ special functions. Consequently all that takes place within it is capable ___ having general repercussions. It is this that brings ___ the need for the regulatory organs of society to intervene, to exercise a moderating effect over ___ way in which the family functions or even, in certain cases, one that acts ___ positive stimulus. (form ¡§The Division of Labor in Society,¡¨ P. 158, by Emile Durkheim, 1984, The Free Press.)


C. Translating the following passages into Chinese. (26%)

The God of Calvinism demanded of his believers not single good works, but a life of good works combined into a unified system. There was no place for the very human Catholic cycle of sin, repentance, atonement, release, followed by renewed sin. Nor was there any balance of merit for a life as a whole which could be adjusted by temporal punishments or the Churches¡¦ means of grace. The moral conduct of the average man was thus deprived of its planless and unsystematic character and subjected to a consistent method for conduct as a whole. (From ¡§The Protestant Ethic And The Spirit of Capitalism,¡¨ P. 117, by Max Weber, 1958)

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As China"s economic growth has surged to astonishing levels in recent years, a matching wave of books chronicling its rise has poured from the presses of publishers in Europe and the U.S. Many of these tend to be rather breathless accounts of how China"s boom is affecting its own people and the rest of the world¡Xtales of human struggle and environmental destruction within the Middle Kingdom, or, elsewhere, of entire steel factories being crated up and shipped to the mainland along with tens of thousands of jobs. But a second broad classification of China books is now emerging. These attempt to explain what countries and individuals can do, or ought to do, in reaction to China"s cataclysmic change.
A pair of prime examples is The China Fantasy by James Mann, a former Beijing bureau chief for the Los Angeles Times, and The Writing on the Wall, by British journalist Will Hutton. The two volumes are both nominally about China, but their aims are to influence policy in the West. Their subtitles make that much clearer: How Our Leaders Explain Away Chinese Repression gets second billing on Mann"s book, while Hutton"s subtitle is Why We Must Embrace China as a Partner or Face It as an Enemy.
The similarities end there. Mann"s is a slim volume, an extended essay skewering what he sees as the hypocrisy of U.S. politicians in dealing with China. For the sake of maintaining good trading relations, Mann argues, American leaders have ignored the inconvenient fact that China is run by a repressive, sometimes brutal regime that stands against everything they profess to hold dear: democracy, human rights and freedom. They excuse this behavior with what he calls the "soothing scenario" that China will eventually come around to sharing their values, based on the assumption that democracy is a necessary byproduct of economic development. Mann calls this the "Starbucks fallacy," a reference to New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof"s argument that when people have more choices of coffee than they do of leaders, political change is inevitable. But Mann sees a third way, a path between the advent of democracy and a collapse into chaos that is generally considered to be China"s only alternative to political change. Twenty years from now, he says, China could still be as authoritarian as it is today. Far from ushering in democracy, it"s possible that China"s newly rich urban élite, with a vested interest in maintaining the status quo, could keep its rural masses disenfranchised indefinitely. The U.S. needs to keep that scenario in mind when dealing with Beijing, Mann says¡Xand not just assume everything will work out in the end.
Hutton"s book is much more ambitious in scope, particularly for someone who is not a China specialist. (He is a former newspaper editor and author of books on economics and European and U.S. politics.) In 400 pages dense with facts and footnotes¡Xhis bibliography runs to 27 pages¡XHutton sets out a detailed analysis of China"s rise and of what Western nations must do to preserve a leading role in the face of it. His proposition is fairly simple, and pretty much diametrically opposed to Mann"s. "If the next century is going to be Chinese," Hutton writes in his preface, "it will be only because China embraces the economic and political pluralism of the west." Beijing faces a host of woes ranging from pervasive corruption to a crippled banking system to the contradictions inherent in its combination of half-baked capitalism and single-party control. Without the adoption of democratic principles and institutions such as the rule of law, representative government and a free press, China"s current path is unsustainable¡Xin other words, it"s democracy or bust. It is in the West"s interest to encourage China"s recognition of that fact, Hutton argues¡Xand also to reaffirm its own commitment to those ideals.
The China Fantasy and The Writing on the Wall are penned by men who clearly feel passionately about their subject. Mann"s book is a distillation of years of observations on the interaction between Beijing and Washington. On the other hand, while Hutton"s research is prodigious, he seems to begin with a set of preconceived ideas, and makes clear in his acknowledgments that he took on this project at the urging of his agent, despite knowing very little about China. I"m inclined to agree with Mann on the likelihood of democracy evolving in China anytime soon: as long as the economic boom continues to raise living standards, many Chinese will be inclined to leave the current system¡Xauthoritarian as it may be¡Xalone. There is a place in the world, of course, for inductive reasoning like Hutton"s, and for fresh ideas presented by nonspecialists. But in this case I"ll have to concur with a certain Hunanese poet and politician who advised that it was best to "seek truth from the facts."

1. This article is a:¡]a¡^commentary¡F¡]b¡^book review¡F¡]c¡^political satire¡F¡]d¡^polemic.
2. How many books are specifically discussed in the article: ¡]a¡^two¡F¡]b¡^three¡F¡]c¡^four¡F¡]d¡^six.
3. According to the author, what is the third alternative between the rise of democracy and the collapse of China"s political order: ¡]a¡^ social upheaval led by urban elites¡F¡]b¡^ social democratic regime¡F¡]c¡^ the survival of the one-party state¡F¡]d¡^political deadlock.
4. According to James Mann, the Chinese middle class will most likely: ¡]a¡^ choose democracy over prosperity¡G¡]b¡^rebel against the apparatus of control and repression¡F¡]c¡^opt for stability over democracy¡F¡]d¡^embrace the rural masses.
5. The main target of Mann¡¦s little angry book is:¡]a¡^Chinese communist leaders¡F¡]b¡^Western diplomats¡F¡]c¡^Chinese newly rich middle classes¡F¡]d¡^American policy makers.
6. The ¡§soothing scenario¡¨ refers to: ¡]a¡^ democratic institutions facilitating economic development¡F¡]b¡^the spread of capitalism ushering in democracy¡F¡]c¡^the co-evolution of capitalism and democracy¡F¡]d¡^ the withering of authoritarian regime by the spread of democratic ideas.
7. The "Starbucks fallacy" is a belief related to:¡]a¡^Western hypocrisy¡F¡]b¡^McDonald"s triumphalism;¡]c¡^social Darwinism¡F¡]d¡^American geopolitical hegemony.
8. The author disagrees with Hutton¡¦s book because it is :¡]a¡^ inductive¡F¡]b¡^deductive¡F¡]c¡^by non-specialist¡F¡]d¡^empirically unsound.


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In discussions of science, popularization, and the public, talk is frequently of activity¡Ðof what one should do in order to achieve better or more public understanding of science. Rather less attention has been devoted to articulating the philosophies and models that inform and drive popularizing activity. The communication process, the functions¡Ð intended and otherwise¡Ðof popularization, conceptualizations of the public as potential recipients of scientific information, and, indeed, the notion of public understanding of science itself are just some of the complexities that are, perhaps too readily, taken for granted.

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¡i´£¥Ü¡G¥H¤U¤å¦rºK¿ý¦ÛRosemarie Garland Thomson, ¡§Introduction: From Wonder to Error -- A Genealogy of Freak Discourse in Modernity¡¨¡]1996¡^¤@¤å¡C¡j
I want to suggest in rather broad strokes here how freak discourse is both imbricated in and reflective of our collective cultural transformation into modernity. The trajectory of historical change in the ways the anomalous body is framed within the cultural imagination ¡V what I am calling here the freak discourse¡¦s genealogy ¡V can be characterized simply as a movement from a narrative of the marvelous to a narrative of the (1) . As modernity develops in Western culture, freak discourse (2) the change: the prodigious monster transforms into the pathological terata; what was once sought after as revelation becomes (3) as entertainment; what aroused awe now inspires horror; what was taken as a portent shifts to a site of progress. In brief, wonder becomes error.
Consider, for instance, the (4) distinctions applied to anomalous bodies over time. Never simply itself, the exceptional body betokens something else, becomes revelatory sustains narrative, exists socially in a realm of hyper-representation. Indeed, the word monster ¡V perhaps the earliest and most enduring name for the singular body ¡V derives from the Latin monstra, meaning to warn, show, or sign, and which has given us the modern verb demonstrate. Monsters were taken as a showing forth of divine will from antiquity until the hand of God seemingly loosed its grip (5) the world. When the gods lapsed into silence, monsters became an index of Nature¡¦s fancy or ¡V as they now appear in genetics and embryology ¡V the Rosetta Stone that reveals the mechanics of life. As portents, monsters were the premier manifestation of a varied group of astonishing natural phenomena known as prodigies, marvels, or wonders. Under the sign of the miraculous, comets, earthquakes, six-legged calves, cyclopic pigs, and human monsters confirmed, repudiated, or revised what humanity (6) as the order of things. By challenging the boundaries of the human and the coherence of what seemed to be the natural world, monstrous bodies appeared as sublime, merging the terrible with the wonderful, equalizing repulsion with attraction.
¡K¡K
The notion of the monster as prodigy fades [by the seventeenth century], transfiguring singular bodies into lusus naturae, nature¡¦s sport or the freak of nature. As divine design disengages (7) the natural world in the human mind, the word freak emerges to express capricious variegation or sudden, erratic change. Milton¡¦s Lycidas seems to (8) freak into English in 1637 to mean a fleck of color. By the seventeenth century freak broadens to mean whimsy or fancy. Not until 1847 (9) synonymous with human corporeal anomaly. Thus, wonder, which enters the language as early as 700, separates from augury to become whimsy as Enlightenment thinking begins to rationalize the world. What was once ominous marvel now becomes gratuitous oddity as monsters shift into the category of curiosities. Curiosity fuses inquisitiveness, acquisitiveness, and novelty to the ancient pursuit of the extraordinary body, shifting the ownership of such bodies from God to the scientist, whose Wunderkammern, or cabinets of curiosities, antedate modern museums. Simultaneous with the secularism that finds delight in nature¡¦s corporeal jokes arises the contrasting empiricism that creates the knowledge used to drive fancy from the world.
Consequently, at just the historical moment when the (10) monster transforms into the whimsical freak, the Enlightenment logic Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno have termed ¡§the disenchantment of the world¡¨ produces teratology, the science of monstrosity that eventually tames and rationalizes the wondrous freak. Formally articulated in 1832 by the French zoologist Isidore Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire, teratology recasts the freak from astonishing corporeal extravagance into the pathological specimen of the terata. Mastered and (11) by modernity, then, is the marvelously singular body whose terrible presence in the world quickened such cultural narratives as Genesis and the Odyssey. Domesticated within the laboratory and the textbook, what was once the prodigious monster, the fanciful freak, the strange and subtle curiosity of nature, has become today the abnormal, the intolerable. The exceptional body thus becomes what Arnold Davidson calls an ¡§especially (12) normative violation,¡¨ demanding genetic reconstruction, surgical normalization, therapeutic elimination, or relegation to pathological specimen.

1. (A) deviate (B) deviant (C) deviation (D) deviator
2. (A) logs (B) logs in (C) logs out (D) logs on
3. (A) to pursue (B) pursuing (C) pursued (D) to have pursued
4. (A) paradigmatic (B) syntagmatic (C) phonetic (D) semantic
5. (A) at (B) of (C) in (D) on
6. (A) imagines (B) imagining (C) imagined (D) has imagined
7. (A) to (B) from (C) with (D) in
8. (A) initiate (B) initiating (C) be initiated (D) have initiated
9. (A) the word becomes (B) the word became (C) the word has become (D) does the word become
10. (A) foreboding (B) foreboden (C) forbidding (D) forbidden
11. (A) mythologizing (B) demythologizing (C) mythologized (D) demythologized
12. (A) virtuous (B) vicious (C) virtuously (D) viciously


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An Efficient Meritocracy or an Inefficient Old-boy Network?

In a study of the 55 Nobel laureates working in the United Sates in 1963, Harriet Zuckerman found that a full 34 of them had studied or collaborated with a total of 46 previous prize winners. Not only that, but those who had worked with Nobel laureates before they themselves had done their important research received their prizes at an average of 44, compared with an average age of 53 for the others. Clearly, scientists tend to form elite groupings. Are these groupings the tip of a merit-based ice-berg, or are they artifacts of systems of prestige gone awry? Is the knowledge for which these elites are recognized intrinsically and objectively valuable, or does it become so because of its association with the elites?

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¡]I¡^
Sociologists favoring ethnographic research¡Kwere prominent in the so-called reaction against positivism of the late 1960s and 1970s, when survey methodology and its supposed philosophical foundations became a prime focus of criticism. In the face of this attach, the response of sociologists engaging in survey research, or reliant on the secondary analysis of its results, could only be described as muted. Few, it seems, were able to raise sufficient motivation to offer any systematic reply. The effort made in this respect by Marsh (1982) is distinguished not so much by its quality than by its rarity. However, what is today striking is the degree to which, despite the rather one-sided nature of the debate, the continuing contributions from supporters of ethnography have changed in the tone. Although ¡§positivist¡¨ still tends to serve as an all purpose pejorative qualifier, calls for the outright rejection of the survey method are far less frequently heard and more common are pleas for ethnography to be accepted as an essential complement to survey research. Such arguments indeed often appear to be of an essentially defensive kind, being linked to complaints that in contemporary sociology ethnographic work is unduly neglected or undervalued on account of the dominance that survey research has come to exert.

One explanation for the continuing importance of survey research that has been offered, and that has been underwritten by at least some supporters of ethnography, is of an entirely ¡§external¡¨ kind. Survey research, it is argued, owes its success to the fact that it is an instrument of power or must at all events collude with power: ¡§power is its precondition¡¨ (Burawoy 1998: 16). This is not only because such research requires substantial resources of a kind likely to be available only to government, big business, or major foundations. In addition, knowledge deriving from survey methodology is knowledge that is formed¡Xin the name of objectivity¡Xfrom outside and above the ¡§lifeworld¡¨ of those studied, and that is in turn aimed essentially at control. Moreover, it is held, from the ¡§hegemonic¡¨ position that they thus enjoy, the proponents of survey research can seek to impose their standards on other sociologists, ethnographers in particular, and to subject the work of the latter to ¡§inappropriate criticism¡¨ (Burawoy 1998:15; see also Stoecker 1991). Ethnography is thus disfavored and threatened; none the less, it still serves as the basis of an alternative, but equally valid, paradigm of social enquiry to that represented by survey research. Since ethnographers usually operate individually, in a ¡§craft¡¨ rather than a ¡§bureaucratic¡¨ mode, they need only modest resources and can thus avoid becoming compromised by power. Moreover, by entering directly into the lifeworld of their subjects, they seek to produce knowledge for the purposes not of control but rather of empathetic understanding, and especially so in the case of marginal, stigmatized, dispossessed, or otherwise subordinate and powerless groups.

1. (false or true) According to the statement, Marsh¡¦s reply to the criticism of the sociological ethnographers regarding survey methodology is very high in quality.

2. (false or true) According to the statement, survey researchers enthusiastically defended their methodological approach against criticism from the ethnographers.

3. Sociologists who share Burawoy¡¦s criticism of survey research will NOT agree to which of the following statement?
(1) Survey research intends to improve the effectiveness in controlling deviant behaviors.
(2) Survey research usually operates in a bureaucratic mode.
(3) The precondition of survey research is power.
(4) Survey research studies the lifeworld in depth.

4. According to the above statement, ethnography is not particularly good at studying which of the following categories of individuals or social phenomena? (1) migrant workers; (2) youth subculture; (3) wealthy elites; (4) minority groups.


5. According to some ethnographers like Burawoy, who plays the role of gate-keeper in sociology now? (1) historical sociologists; (2) survey researchers; (3) sociology professors in elite universities; (4) ethnographers.

¡]II¡^

There are three major theoretical models to examine how power is exercised in society:

The pluralist model interprets power in society as coming from the representation of diverse interests of different groups in society. It assumes that in democratic societies, the system of government works to balance the different interests of groups in society. This model sees the state as basically benign and representative of the whole society. No particular group is seen as politically dominant.

The power elite model sees the dominant or ¡§ruling¡¨ class controls all the major institutions in society. The state itself is simply an instrument by which the ruling class exercises its power. This view of the state emphasizes the power of the upper class over the lower classes, the small group of elites over the rest of the population. Following this theoretical tradition, C. Wright Mills (1956) analyzed the power elite. Mills argued that the true power structure consists of people well positioned in three areas: the economy, the government, and the military. These three institutions are held to be bastions of the power elite.

The autonomous state model interprets the state as its own major constituent. From this perspective, the state develops interests of its own, which it seeks to promote independent of other interest and the public that it allegedly serves. The state is not simply reflective of the needs of dominant groups. It is an administrative organization with its own needs, such as maintenance of its complex bureaucracies and protection of its special privileges.

6. Which of the following groups does not qualify as the power elite according to C. Wright Mills? (1) army generals; (2) senior government officials; (3) capitalists; (4) public intellectuals.


7. Which of the following statements is CORRECT?

(1) Autonomous state model emphasizes that the state merely balances the interests of different social groups, instead of having its own interest.
(2) Power elite model argues that power in society comes from representation of diverse of interests of different social groups.
(3) Power elite model sees the power as widely diffused.
(4) Pluralist model sees the state a fair and benign.


8. (false or true) What differentiates the autonomous state model from the power elite model the most is that the former analyzes the state an instrument of class domination while the latter does not.


¡]III¡^

Grassroots democracy in China, which began to show faint signs of life three years ago, is struggling. On November 8th millions of voter in Beijing took part in largely stage-managed local elections. The authorities seem to have had second thoughts about encouraging more combative contests.

9. (false or true) The Chinese government is determined to encourage more grassroots democracy.



¡]IV¡^

Why is gender segregation still so prevalent, and why do obstacles to mobility at work persist? One explanation is that women and men are socialized differently, and to some degree, they choose to go into different fields. Women who are exposed to ¡§masculine¡¨ tasks in childhood may be more likely as adults to enter jobs that utilize these skills. Conversely, many women shy away from traditionally ¡§male¡¨ jobs because they believe that others will disapprove.

10. ¶ñ¥R¿ï¾ÜÃD
¤å¤¤shy away from ¥i¥H¥Î¤U­±­þ¤@­Ó¦P¸qªº¦r©Î¤ù»y¨ú¥N¡H(1) accept; (2) avoid; (3) redefine; (4) look for.

¡]V¡^

The following passages are drawn from The Souls of Black Folk written by a prominent sociologist and black activist, W.E.B.Du Bois (1868-1963) in 1903 on the issue of black citizenship in the United States.

The Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world, ---a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one¡¦s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one¡¦s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness, --- an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.

The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, --- this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face.

11. Du Bois discusses ¡§a world which____ him no true self-consciousness¡K.¡¨ Which word best fits?
(1) acts;
(2) allows;
(3) evokes;
(4) records.

12. (false or true) According to the text, black ¡§double-consciousness¡¨ can help blacks to see the hypocrisy of America.

13. Du Bois writes ¡§¡Kthis longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to ____ his double self into a better and truer self.¡¨ Which word best fits?

(1). coalesce;
(2). reinforce;
(3). refrain;
(4). aver.

14.¡]false or true¡^ According to Du Bois, in order for blacks to be successful, blacks have to incorporate a white perspective.

¡]VI¡^

The following text is drawn from Joshua Gamson & Dawne Moon, ¡§The Sociology of Sexualities: Queer and Beyond,¡¨ Annual Review of Sociology, 2004, 30:47-64.

In critiquing the common understanding of ¡§the pleasures of the body¡¨ as enduring and acultural, Altman (2001) points out that, ¡§however seductive the phrase, ¡¥the pleasures of the body¡¦ cannot be separated from the world outside.¡¨ He continues to remark that, ¡§only when political and economic conditions allow can we engage in ¡¥pleasures.¡¦ Indeed, bodily pleasures are often shaped by political and economic conditions¡¨ (Altman 2001, p. 2). Although feminist and gay scholars have long pointed to the ways sexuality is structured by the economic system and to commodified sexuality, sociologists of sexuality have taken up the political economy of sexuality more recently. In part because of the rise of globalization studies, sociologists of sexuality have moved to consider how economic and political transformations have shaped sexual experiences, identities, politics, and desires. In addition to those who look at how transnational processes rely on and affect sexualities, some focus on the specifics of the transformation of gay and lesbian movements into markets, while others look at sexuality to study intersections between market transformations and sexual morality.

Massad (2002) looks at the effects of globalization on international gay and lesbian nongovernmental organizations working to promote gay and lesbian rights in the Middle East. He examines how these organizations draw from the rhetoric of recent ¡§Orientalist¡¨ scholarship, which he sees as using tacit, culturally specific assumptions about sexuality and oppression. In his analysis, these scholars and organizations, like earlier colonial institutions, insist on the universality of their own system of sexual categories and define themselves as ¡§progressive¡¨ and ¡§enlightened¡¨ in comparison with Arabs and Muslims. ¡§While the premodern West attacked the Muslim world¡¦s alleged sexual licentiousness,¡¨ Massad argues, ¡§the modern West [in the form of American- and British-dominated organizations] attacks its alleged repression of sexual freedoms¡¨ (Massad 2002, p. 375). He suggests that international gay organizations¡¦ attempts to increase tolerance for homosexuality have, ironically, led to policies more repressive than those that preceded them; as sexuality is brought into public view, national leaders assert views about sexuality that had previously gone unspecified, with new policies to match.

Others have looked at the microlevel effects of globalization. Cant´u (2002, p. 160) shows how gay and lesbian tourism has the ¡§dual effect of creating sites in the country that are both sexually liberating and exploitative.¡¨ Cant´u (2001) elsewhere argues that ¡§the sexuality of migration¡¨ can only be understood through a ¡§queer political economy¡¨ analysis. He notes that Mexican ¡§men who have sex with men¡¨ immigrated to the United States largely because of sexual marginalization at home, which often translated into economic liability. Once in the United States, new economic arrangements facilitated their shift toward the North American¡Vstyle ¡§gay identity¡¨ model of sexuality, yet existing ethnic enclaves provided them with a buffer against their new racial marginalization.


15. According to the authors, the pleasure of the body
(1) is given by the God;
(2) can be expressed without any restriction;
(3) is a personal matter;
(4) is economically and politically conditioned.

16. On the relationships between transnational processes and sexuality, which of the following statement fits best with the authors¡¦ argument?

(1). They are two separated things and there are no interactions between them;
(2) They rely on and affect each other;
(3). Sexuality shapes transnational processes but not the other way around;
(4).Transnational processes shape sexuality but not the other way around;

17. According to the text, which description of Massad¡¦s (2002) work on the effects of globalization on international gay and lesbian nongovernmental organizations in the Middle East is INCORRECT?

(1). These nongovernmental organizations bring their own sexual and racial prejudices into their works;
(2). As homosexuality issues become more publicized in Middle East, more suppressive policies are introduced by local leaders;
(3). Globalization shapes the development of gay, lesbian rights in Middle East;
(4) Sexuality is not relevant in the images of other cultures.


18. According to the studies cited in the text, how do scholars think about Western cultural and economic dominance affect sexual meanings for people in nonwestern contexts?

(1). little to no effect;
(2). effect that is ambiguous but important;
(3). positive effect;
(4). negative effect.


19. (false or true) According to Cant´u¡¦s (2001) study cited in the text, migrants¡¦ sexuality in host societies has nothing to do with their ethnicity or other social backgrounds.

20. (false or true) Again, according to Cant´u¡¦s (2001) study cited in the text, leaving ¡§home¡¨ can be both liberating and repressive for one¡¦s sexuality.

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The selling of classical musicians by record companies and concert hall
managers is an enormously 1 business - which, however, is bound to affect
standards of performance adversely. In 1964 the Canadian pianist Glenn Gould,
who had been extremely successful as a concert musician, retired from live performing; until his death in 1982, he confined his work to records, radio and television. One of the reasons he gave for his decision was the distorting effect of the audience on his playing; he felt he had to keep 2 its attention by forcing the classical restraint of Bach"s polyphony into rhetorical emphases and stresses that did not really belong there. Nevertheless, all artists, producers and performers need an audience. The problem is how to 3 the inner obligations to one"s art with the outer claims of a society whose demand for satisfaction, entertainment and excitement cannot really be ignored.
4 a problem inevitably draws one into further reflection about whether
the issue of art and society can ever be resolved neatly, especially since substantial economic interests are so regularly 5 . The marketing apparatus now available to record companies and musical impresarios is so powerful that it can catapult a pianist or a singer from respectability into a career worth millions. No longer are artists 6 to be satisfied with doing their work quietly and conscientiously. If the film 7 can translate Mozart"s already considerable achievements into an endless number of tickets and tapes, if a record company can derive millions out of billing an unusual performer as ¡§the world"s greatest,¡¨ there is a strong probability that some artists will be tempted to go after fame and reputation, whatever the cost to their artistic integrity. While it would be ridiculous to try to convert a mediocre talent into a Luciano Pavarotti or an Itzhak Perlman, there is good reason to suppose that both of those men have become superstars by sacrificing the nuances and refinements
Page 2
(2)
that other, less ¡§successful¡¨ performers have stubbornly retained.
Joseph Horowitz"s massively detailed study, ¡§Understanding Toscanini,¡¨
provides a compelling argument that ¡§the world¡¦s greatest conductor¡¨ was a
8 American success story, an astonishingly gifted man who - thanks to RCA, to a
variety of what Mr. Horowitz calls ¡§conservative popularizers¡¨ and ¡§high culture populists,¡¨ as well as to an authoritarian and insecure musical personality - achieved an artistic quasi dictatorship in this country for almost 50 years. 9 his death in 1957, Arturo Toscanini"s reputation has diminished somewhat, partly because the proliferation of records and tapes has drawn attention to a large number of other conductors, partly because the demanding but unsatisfying standards Toscanini represented have been discredited. Yet, during the years of his greatest 10
(1937-54), as conductor of the NBC orchestra (which was created for him), Toscanini was like nothing else in American musical life - the subject of a cult whose uncontested rule, according to Mr. Horowitz, eliminated all rivals and made his every demand a law.
(Excerpts from Edward Said¡¦s ¡§Maestro for the Masses,¡¨ New York Times, March 8,1987.)
1. (a) losing; (b) lucrative; (c) pretty; (d) watered; (e) hard-working.
2. (a) embarrassing ; (b) wooing; (c) wondering; (d) puzzling; (e) baffling .
3. (a) punish ; (b) admire; (c) destroy; (d) annul; (e) balance.
4. (a) Such; (b) Of ; (c) About; (d) To; (e) From.
5. (a) on balance ; (b) from the air; (c) bottoms up; (d) at one¡¦s will; (e) at stake.
6. (a) liking ; (b) likable; (c) likely; (d) unlikely; (e) likened.
7. (a) ¡§Amadeus¡¨; (b) ¡§Matrix II¡¨; (c) ¡§Godfather III¡¨; (d) ¡§Piano¡¨; (e) ¡§Le bon
femmes.¡¨
8. (a) largely; (b) small; (c) remaining; (d) pettily ; (e) impossibly.
9. (a) On ; (b) Beginning; (c) Since; (d) At; (e) Regarding.
10. (a) mobility; (b) fall ; (c) ascendancy; (d) notoriety; (e) descending.
¤G¡B½Ð±N¤U­±¤å¦r½Ķ¦¨¤¤¤å¡]35 ¤À¡^
Page 3
(3)
1. ¡i´£¥Ü¡G¥H¤U¤å¦rºK¿ý¦Û Trevor J. Pinch and Wiebe E. Bijker, ¡§The Social
Construction of Facts and Artifacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the
Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other,¡¨ (1987) ¤@¤å¡C¡j¡]20 ¤À¡^

One major¡Xif not the major¡Xdevelopment in the field [sociology of science] in thelast decade has been the extension of the sociology of knowledge into the arena of the¡§hard sciences.¡¨ The need for such a ¡§strong programme¡¨ has been outlined by Bloor: Its central tenets are that, in investigating the causes of beliefs, sociologists should be impartial to the truth or falsity of the beliefs, and that such beliefs should be explained symmetrically. In other words, differing explanations should not be sought for what is taken to be a scientific ¡§truth¡¨ (for example, the existence of x-rays) and a scientific ¡§falsehood¡¨ (for example, the existence of n-rays). Within such a program all knowledge and all knowledge claims are to be treated as being socially constructed; that is, explanations for the genesis, acceptance, and rejection of knowledge claims are sought in the domain of the social world rather than in the natural world.

2. ¡i´£¥Ü¡G¥H¤U¤å¦rºK¿ý¦Û Jean Baudrillard, For a Critique of the Political
Economy of the Sign, trans. Charles Levin (1981) ¤@®Ñ¡C¡j¡]15 ¤À¡^

If fetishism exists it is thus not a fetishism of the signified, a fetishism of substances and values (called ideological), which the fetish object would incarnate for the alienated subject. Behind this reinterpretation (which is truly ideological) is a fetishism of the signifier. That is to say that the subject is trapped in the factitious, differential, encoded, systematized aspect of the object. It is not the passion (whether of objects or subjects) for substances that speaks in fetishism, it is the passion for the code.

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1. Andrew HeywoodµÛ¡A·¨¤é«Cµ¥Ä¶¡A1999¡C¬Fªv¾Ç·s½×¡C¥x¥_¡G­³§B¤å¤Æ¨Æ·~¥Xª©ªÀ¡C
[­^¤å­ì¥»Andrew Heywood, 1997. Politics, New York: St. Martin"s Press.]

2. Todd LandmanµÛ¡A©P§ÓªNĶ¡A2002¡C¤ñ¸û¬FªvªºÄ³ÃD»P³~®|¡C¥x¥_¡G­³§B¤å¤Æ¨Æ·~¥Xª©ªÀ¡C
[­^¤å­ì¥»Todd Landman, 2000. Issues and Methods in Comparative Politics: An Introduction
London and New York: Routledge.]

3. Adam Przeworski, 1991. Democracy and the Market, New York: Cambridge University Press.

¥|¡B ·í¥N¤¤°ê

1. ÁÚ´µ¯Ç (Maurice Meisner)¡A§ù»ZĶ¡A2005¡A¡m¤ò¿AªFªº¤¤°ê¤Î¨ä«á¡G¤¤µØ¤H¥Á¦@©M°ê¥v¡n
(Mao"s China and After: A History of the People"s Republic)¡A­»´ä¤¤¤å¤j¾Ç¡C

2. ¥v´º¾E (Jonathan D. Spence) µÛ¡A·Å¬¢·¸Ä¶¡A2001¡A¡m°l´M²{¥N¤¤°ê¡]¤U¡^¡G±q¦@²£¥D¸q¨ì¥«³õ¸gÀÙ¡n¡A
»O¥_¡G®É³ø¡C

3. Tony Saich, 2004. Governance and Politics of China. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.

4. Kenneth Lieberthal, 1995. Governing China: from revolution through reform. W.W. Norton
¡]¤¤Ä¶¥»¡G§õ¨Ô¦pµÛ¡A·¨²Q®SĶ¡A1998¡Aªv²z¤¤°ê¡G±q­²©R¨ì§ï­²¡A°ê¥ß½sĶÀ]¡C¡^

5. ¤ý¶WµØ½s¡A2004¡A¡m§Á¸ô¤¤°ê¡n¡AÁp¸g¡C

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Part I. ¥»¬q¦³¤T­Óµu¤å¡A½Ð¦^µª¨C¤@­Óµu¤å¤§«áªº¬O«D©M¿ï¾ÜÃD¡C

A. ¤U­±ªº³¯­z¬OµÛ¦Wªº³Ò°ÊªÀ·|¾ÇªÌ¦P®É¤]¬O¬ü°êªÀ·|¾Ç·|«e¥ô¥D®uMichael Burawoy¤@½g´£­Ò¡u¤½¦@ªÀ·|¾Ç¡vªººt»¡½Z¡]Michael Burawoy 2004, ¡§2004 Presidential Address: For public sociology,¡¨ in American Sociological Review, vol. 70 no. 1, p. 24¡^¡C½Ð¥J²Ó¾\Ū¨Ã¦^µª¤U¦C°ÝÃD¡C.

The social sciences are not a melting pot of disciplines, because the disciplines represent different and opposed interests¡Xfirst and foremost interests in the preservation of the grounds upon which their knowledge stands. Economics, as we know it today, depends on the existence of markets with an interest in their expansion, political science depends on the state with an interest in political stability, while sociology depends on civil society with an interest in the expansion of the social.
But what is civil society? For the purposes of my argument here we can define it as a product of late 19th. Century Western capitalism that produced associations, movements and publics that were outside both state and economy¡K This congeries of associational life is the unique standpoint of sociology so that when it disappears¡XStalin¡¦s Soviet Union, Hitler¡¦s Germany, Pinochet¡¦s Chile¡Xsociology disappears too. When civil society flourishes¡XPerestroika ¡]§ï­²¡^Russia or late Apartheid ¡]ºØ±Ú¹jÂ÷¡^South Africa¡Xso does sociology.
Sociology may be connected to society by an umbilical cord, but, of course, this is not to say sociology only studies civil society. Far from it. But it studies the state or the economy from the standpoint of civil society. Political sociology, for example, is not the same as political science. It examines the social preconditions of politics and the politicization of the social just as economic sociology is very different from economics, indeed it looks at what economists overlook, the social foundations of the market.

1. According to the article, when will sociology disappear in a specific society?
(1) when market expands;
(2) when state stabilizes;
(3) when Marx died;
(4) when the civil society ceases to exist.

2. It can be inferred from this article that sociology has an interest in preserving:
(1) the market;
(2) the neo-conservatism;
(3) the civil society;
(4) the Leninist party-state.

3. According to the article, which of the following statement is NOT correct?
(1) Sociology was the product of late 19th Century Western capitalism;
(2) Political sociology only examines the formal rules of the political system;
(3) Economic sociology investigates the social foundations of the market;
(4) Sociology studies the state or the market from the standpoint of civil society.


B. ¤U­±¤å¦r¨Ó¦ÛªÀ·|¾Ç¤èªk½×µÛ¦W¾ÇªÌStinchcombe·s®Ñ¸Ì¤@¬q°Q½×¶q¤Æ¤èªkªº¬q¸¨¡A½Ð¥J²Ó¾\Ū¨Ã¦^µª¤U¦C°ÝÃD¡C

The methods usually called ¡§quantitative¡¨ in sociology have as their main technique eliminating the alternatives to a given simple causal theory that is weakly supported by an observed correlation, by examination of the relations among variables having relatively simple and abstract measures, such as can be created by a few survey questions. Such relations among variables are ordinarily collected mainly by surveys or other repetitive quantitative observations in ¡§natural settings,¡¨ rather in laboratories. They do that elimination by showing that the pattern of partial correlations (or other partial regression coefficients) is not compatible with the alternative theories, but instead supports the simple causal theory at stake. They start,¡K, by showing that the presumed cause is at least correlated with the presumed effect. But although Hume in effect already said, ¡§Correlation is not causation,¡¨ one of the possible theories that would product the observed correlation is that simple causal theory. Each time one eliminated one or more other theories of that correlation, one increases the likelihood of the simple causal theory. (Authur L. Stinchcombe 2005, The Logic of Social Research, p. 2-3)



4. According to the article, quantitative sociological research proceeds by _______ the alternatives that is not supported by the observed correlation. ®Ú¾Ú«e­±ªº¤å¦r±Ô­z¡A½Ð°Ý¦b____­n¶ñ¤J¤U¦C­þ¤@­Óµü:
(1) upholding;
(2) removing;
(3) choosing;
(4) enlivening.

5. ¡]¬O«DÃD¡^Whenever one fails to eliminate alternative theories of the observed correlation, one increases the confidence in one¡¦s own causal theory.

6. ¡]¬O«DÃD¡^According to the paragraph, quantitative sociologists usually conduct research in laboratories, rather in ¡§natural settings.¡¨



C. ¤U­±¤@¬q¤å¦r¨Ó¦Û¬ü°êªÀ·|¾Çµû½×¤W¤@½g°Q½×«Xù´µ¥«³õÂ૬¹Lµ{¤¤ªº¶¥¯Å¬y°Êªº½×¤å (Theodore P. Gerber and Hichael Hout 2004, ¡§Tightening up: declining class mobility during Russia¡¦s market transition,¡¨ in American Sociological Review, vol. 69 no. 5, p. 677)¡C½Ð¥J²Ó¾\Ū¡A¨Ã¦^µª¤U¦C°ÝÃD¡C

Belying claims that class differences did not matter in the Soviet Union, the authors find that social origins did affect occupational opportunity during Russia¡¦s Soviet period. But the transition from state socialism to a market economy tightened the link between origins and destinations. Men and women were equally constrained by their social origin, even though they faced significantly different opportunity structures in both periods. As the economic transformation took hold, fewer Russians experienced upward mobility and more were downwardly mobile. Political and economic transition, not the demographic replacement of retiring cohorts by younger ones, strengthened the association between origins and destinations. Career mobility during the 1990s took the form of a regression toward origins, as workers who had the most upward mobility during the Soviet era lost the most in the transition to markets, abetting the reproduction of the class structure across generations as they fell.


7. Career mobility during the 1990s in Russia ______ the reproduction of the class structure across generations.®Ú¾Ú«e­±ªº¤å¦r±Ô­z¡A½Ð°Ý¦b____­n¶ñ¤J¤U¦C­þ¤@­Óµü:
(1) assisted;
(2) hampered;
(3) decreased;
(4) dampened.

8. ¡]¬O«DÃD¡^According to authors¡¦ finding, during Russia¡¦s Soviet period, one¡¦s social origins had nothing to do with one¡¦s occupational opportunity.

9. The transition from state socialism to a market economy _____ the link between origins and destinations. ®Ú¾Ú«e­±ªº¤å¦r±Ô­z¡A½Ð°Ý¦b____­n¶ñ¤J¤U¦C­þ¤@­Óµü:
(1) loosened;
(2) mystified;
(3) strengthened;
(4) stigmatized.


10. According to the article, which of the following statement is CORRECT?
(1) Marketization of Russian economy has positively affected people¡¦s upward mobility.
(2) Workers who had gotten ahead the most during the Soviet era experienced much downward mobility during Russia¡¦s market transition.
(3) During both Soviet and post-Soviet era, men and women were differentially constrained by their class background with regarding to their job market performance.
(4) Political and economic transition increased the association between one¡¦s social origin and destinations in Russia.

Part II. Reading Test: please read the following texts A and B, and answer the questions.

Text A.
Recently, society became a term of political controversy. Margaret Thatcher notoriously said that ¡¥there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families¡¦(1987:10). Later she was to clarify that her meaning ¡§was that society was not an abstraction, separate from the men and women who composed it, but a living structure of individuals, families, neighbors and voluntary associations¡K.society for me was not an excuse, it was a source of obligation¡¨(1993:626). Despite her antipathy to the term, she use it in two senses noted by Raymond Williams(1976:291). The first is a general one of the ¡§body of institutions and relationships within which a relatively large group of people life.¡¨ But she also recognizes that society can be used as an abstract term for, as Williams put it, ¡§the condition in which such institutions and relationships are formed,¡¨ as when, for example, we might say that ¡¥poverty is caused by society.¡¦ While Thatcher rejects the possibility of abstraction, she enunciates one version: society as imposing moral obligations.

The images of society as an organism( ¡§living structure¡¨) and as a thing can be traced back to the early formalization of sociology and social science in the 19th century¡K Society was thought of, by thinkers such as Herbert Spencer and in social Darwinism as an organism with an evolution replicating that of biological species. Later Emile Durkheim (quoted in Frisby and Sayer, 1986:38) famously enjoined his readers to ¡§consider social fact as things.¡¨ As sociology developed, it would nevertheless tend to reject the image of society as a supra-individual entity imposing itself on its members. However, in common speech, it is still possible to oppose ¡§individual¡¨ and ¡§society¡¨ in phrase such as conform to society or rebel against society. ¡§Society¡¨ tends to survive more in the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships and is indicated by the adjective social¡K

One of the more recent images of society is an association formed through agreement, consent, or contract. The idea is that society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings, an ¡§assemble and consent of many in one¡¨ (Mirrour of Police, 1599). This is given theoretical form in social-contract theory, where relationships with a pre-political (and pre-social) form of existence, the state of nature (Weiner, 1973). The idea here is that the state is a precondition for general human association or friendship. Soon, however, ¡§society,¡¨ or civil society, will come to refer to the activities and relations of individuals, households, and families, which existed independently of, and in some way opposed to, the political structures of the state¡K

The discovery of a civil society is related to ideas of civilization. Being the domain of the mode of living of free men, the relations (or ¡§conversation¡¨) between such men is regulated by more subtle rules or civility (as opposed to the laws of the sovereign), as in Charles I¡¦s ¡§Law of society and civil conversation¡¨ (1642). It was becoming possible in England and elsewhere in Europe in the 17th century to think of oneself as living in a civil or civilized society within the relative security of the territorial borders provided by the emerging state. It was also possible to expect a certain level of orderly conduct of other members of this society, given the development of practices of personal civilization such as etiquette and manners. The latter practices give rise to the specific sense of ¡§society¡¨ as the leisured, cultured, or upper-class, found until recently in newspapers¡¦ society pages¡K

In the 20th century, society lost its status as an object of scientific knowledge, as this came to be viewed as a ¡§reification¡¨(¡§thing-ification¡¨) of a condition that obtained within all sorts of relations, institutions, and practices. For Max Weber, the object of sociology was not society but the interpretation of the meaning of social action, and from that time sociologists have been more comfortable studying social class, social relations, social interaction, and so on. In scholarly writings, society has moved from transcendental object to a property of relationships. The adjective ¡§social¡¨ begins to describe the dimension of those relationships and practices that are thought to have their sources in society. We have institutions such as social welfare and social insurance¡K ¡§Society¡¨ itself tends to be displaced by other abstractions around the word ¡§modernity.¡¨ ¡K¡K From the entry of Society, by Richard Johnson, in New Keywords

Questions:

11. According to the text, who said that : ¡¥there is no such thing as society. There are individual men and women, and there are families¡¦?
(1) Emile Durkheim
(2) Herbert Spencer
(3) Raymond Williams
(4) Margaret Thatcher

12. Which of the following description matches the author¡¦s idea of the image of society in social-contract theory?
(1) Society is an organism.
(2) Society is a unity that exists independently of the political order.
(3) Society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings.
(4) Society is a discursive construction.

13. Which of the following idea does not match the Durkheimian notion of ¡¥social facts as things¡¦?
(1) The society is an active unity of fellowship between human beings.
(2) The society is an organism.
(3) The supra-individual existence of society.
(4) The evolving organism in social Darwinism.

14. According to the text, which of the following description about ¡§civil society¡¨ is incorrect?
(1) The discovery of civil society is related to the idea of civilization.
(2) Society is a borderless university in the world.
(3) Citizens means the leisured, cultured, or upper-class.
(4) Society is within the territorial borders provided by the state.

15. In the text, who thinks that the object of sociology is the interpretation of the meaning of social action?
(1) Emile Durkheim
(2) Adam Smith
(3) Raymond Williams
(4) Max Weber

16. According to the text, how does the implication of the adjective ¡¥social¡¦ change from the early formalization of sociology to nowadays usage?
(1) From the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society to the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships.
(2) From a fractured unity of independent of political structure to the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society.
(3) From the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society to a fractured unity of independent of political structure.
(4) From the abstract sense of a quality that inheres in conditions, practices, institutions, and relationships to the dimension of the relationships and practices that are thought to have their source in society.
Text B.
Construction is not an activity, but an act, one which happens once and whose effects are firmly fixed. Thus, constructivism is reduced to determinism and implies the evacuation or displacement of human agency.

This view informs the misreading by which Foucault is criticized for ¡§personifying¡¨ power: if power is misconstrued as a grammatical and metaphysical subject, and if that metaphysical site within humanist discours